By David K. Shipler
Communist East Germany officially entitled
itself the German Democratic Republic. The dictatorship of North Vietnam was
named the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. North Korea is the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea. And the Trump insurrectionists of January 6, 2021 executed
their violence against Congress in the guise of protecting democracy.
Democracy—that
alluring concept, that aspiration, that illusion—is still a moral ideal, even
among autocrats and would-be oppressors who wear it as an empty label. In the
United States, moreover, the Constitution remains gospel, cited even by those
who would shred its principles as fiercely as many religious zealots corrupt
their holy texts.
If the
United States has a state religion, the late historian Robert Kelley used to
say, it is constitutional democracy. That remains so. The very threats to constitutional
democracy are being made in its name. The radical right mob that invaded the
Capitol, seeking to keep Donald Trump in power, did not reject democracy; they
fought for it, or so they believed, having accepted Trump’s lie that he had won
the election. “Stop the Steal” became their mantra. They did not reject the
Constitution; they claimed to defend it, even while attempting to sweep its
provisions aside.
The
Republican Party, now a conduit for radical-right fantasies and dreams, pretends
to bolster democracy while becoming the most formidable anti-democratic force
in the United States. Instead of sobering the party, the January 6 assault
emboldened Republican-controlled state legislatures to enact onerous
restrictions on voting and—more menacing—disempower local officials who
administer elections honestly. Election officials, facing death threats, leave
their jobs, opening the field to the miscreants. “Election integrity,” the
Republicans’ rationale, means the opposite. It sets the stage for elections
that would be truly stolen.
When words come to mean the opposite of themselves, when noble ideas are twisted into tools of their own demise, a society dives into a whirlpool. It is sucked down not just by legal mechanisms or institutional processes. Those are mere cover for the deeper currents of distrust and alienation, of humiliation and an angry sense of helplessness. Those, in turn, nourish a vulnerability to demagogues—not only Trump but Tucker Carlson, Sean Hannity, and other propagandists—and a susceptibility to outlandish tales of malevolent conspiracy. Even if Trump disappeared tomorrow, those currents would still course through much of America.
They thrive
on a paucity of knowledge, an absence cultivated by inadequate schooling or,
worse, the silencing of truth. In Russia today, the crimes of the Gulag prison
camps under Stalin are again being whitewashed; in America today, the crimes of
slavery and racism are being softened or ignored in Republican-dominated school
districts. The civil virtues of constitutional rights are inadequately taught;
the mechanisms of democratic government are rarely learned thoroughly.
Nor
does basic scientific understanding prevail. A selfish mutant of constitutional
liberty—individualism over all--suffocates the common good. Science is overwhelmed
by suspicion and distrust of government, of expertise, of inconvenient advice. Public
health professionals devoted to saving lives fear for their own lives and flee
from their positions—or are fired by Republican myth-makers.
In
short, by both the reactions to democracy and the reactions to the pandemic, large
numbers of Americans—not all, to be sure—have been revealed as poorly educated
in history, government, and science. The failure of schooling is a hallmark of
a declining civilization.
People under stress have a natural
aversion to the mess of democracy and its cacophony of competing opinions. They
often search for a single story to animate and explain. That happens in war. It happens in a pandemic. It has happened amid
rapid change, now among working class whites who fear the country’s expanding pluralisms
of race, ethnicity, sexual orientation. It has happened since the economic
hardship of the 2008 Great Recession, when Americans who thought of themselves
as solidly middle class tumbled into debt and joblessness. Ironically, many did
not vote against the Republicans who caused their hardships by deregulating,
enabling financial institutions to gamble loosely with good people’s money.
Vilification of the “other” is now
so pervasive that Americans cannot talk to one another across the lines of
disagreement. Not only do the barriers separate the right and the left,
conservatives from progressives, but also honeycomb the more intimate political
landscapes.
On the right, for condemning Trump
and the insurrection, Representative Liz Cheney is denounced and rejected by
other “conservatives.” What is it that they wish to conserve? On the left, even
outside of Congress, self-righteous dogmatism often stifles communication among
folks whose agreement on broad reforms
cannot seem to overcome lesser differences on racial injustice and brutal
policing. We seem to need enemies within.
Democracy cannot survive with its
citizens hunkered down behind their walls of hurt and outrage. It cannot
survive in a media firestorm of lies, demonization, and disconnection from
reality. It won’t be rescued by any demise of Donald Trump. If the people want
another demagogue with the dexterity to touch their nerves of grievance, they
will get one.
The United States has never had a
perfectly democratic political system, as we all know. It enhances rural power
in the Senate and via the Electoral College, which has the advantage of
protecting a minority constituency—but at the price of blocking majority rule.
It can be changed only by constitutional amendment, which would require more
rural states to agree.
Suffrage has never been universal. The
country was founded on an economy relying on bondage. Enslaved Black people had
no vote, white indentured servants had no vote, women of all colors had no
vote. The Civil War’s corrective, codified in constitutional amendments, was soon
eroded by anti-Black laws championed in the South as the virtuous embodiment of
state’s rights: poll taxes, absurd “literacy tests,” harassment, and the like. By
and large, prisoners still have no vote, and they are disproportionately Black.
The opponents of true democracy never rest.
Both parties gerrymander districts to their advantage. Republicans are especially
assiduous in disenfranchising Blacks and other likely Democratic voters. They curtail mail-in ballots and drop boxes,
switch polling places around, discount provisional ballots cast at the wrong
place, purge voter rolls, bar ex-felons from voting, spread disinformation that
unpaid fines or child support will be collected at the polls, and on and on. Many
of their anti-democratic actions have been made possible by the
Republican-dominated Supreme Court’s emasculation of the 1965 Voting Rights Act,
which used to require Justice Department pre-clearance of changes in states in
counties with a record of racial discrimination.
The beautiful idea of one citizen
one vote, culminating in that election-day moment of complete equality, has not
been a feature of American democracy. Let’s be honest. It is a wish, a dream, a
myth, a goal. A worthy goal, but not one likely to be achieved by calling political
violence and hatred “democracy.” Cheapening the vocabulary used to communicate
impairs communication.
I think that when Trump was President many of us were outraged at the many ways in which he stepped outside of the invisible boundaries all of our modern-day Presidents had respected. But reading this post made me realize that it wasn't just Trump. A big factor, perhaps even bigger, was the distortion of "news," a word that has also nearly begun to mean its opposite. Or, at least, it has become degraded, devalued, almost extinct.
ReplyDeleteMaybe it wasn't enough to enshrine in the Constitution freedom of the press. We needed to ensure that everyone received a decent education in school and a nutritious meal at home. If the public is too poor and weary and undereducated to think twice about headlines, they will fall for any autocrat's Big Lie. And yet, education and poverty are such long-term problems, it would take years to see the benefits of reform at a societal level. So much more could be lost before then.
It's hard to see a way out of the abyss.