By David K. Shipler
If the
Trump administration goes ahead with its plan to designate the Muslim
Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, hundreds of thousands of US citizens could
face federal prosecution for providing funds and leadership to mosques and
Islamic community centers across the country. That is because federal law
prohibits “material support” for terrorist groups, and some key Trump insiders accept
the slanderous allegation by anti-Islam activists that the Brotherhood effectively
owns mosques and has infiltrated the United States.
Muslim
Americans and their institutions could also face rising jeopardy from local
authorities and organized citizens, who would employ the designation to mobilize
fear. Mosques already have difficulty in some locations getting zoning changes
and building permits, and extremists could easily use the official label of
“terrorist” to justify vigilante violence. In other words, the hatred stoked by
President Trump and some of his allies would be granted the force of law.
While President George W. Bush kept
the anti-Muslim movement at bay, even after 9/11, Trump has surrounded himself
with admirers and promoters of vitriolic alarmists who portray Islam in sinister
terms reminiscent of the smears and suspicions fueled by hunts for communists
in the McCarthy era of the 1950s.
Stephen Miller, a leading White
House adviser, has a long record, dating back to his senior year at Duke in
2007, of imagining what he terms “Islamofascism” as being at war with Western
civilization. Stephen Bannon, Trump’s former chief strategist, remains in the
president’s inner circle after running Breitbart, the rightwing outlet that
helped promulgate baseless assertions that Islamic centers were fronts for the
Muslim Brotherhood’s stealthy program to subvert America by imposing Sharia,
Muslim religious law.
Frank Gaffney, who served on
Trump’s transition team, distorts Islamic sources to create an ominous specter
of community centers, mosques, and Muslim organizations controlled by the
Brotherhood. Gaffney has been praised by Bannon as “one of the senior thought
leaders and men of action in this whole war against Islamic radical jihad.” Between
2013 and 2017, Mike Pompeo, now Secretary of State, appeared on Gaffney’s radio
program 34 times, according to The
Atlantic.
Such people might have been
relegated to the ranks of cranks in pre-internet and pre-Trump days. They would
have been handing out leaflets on street corners or mailing broadsheets to a
limited like-minded audience. In the digital era, though, they have become a
cottage industry of slick websites with the deceptive look of careful
research and solid argument, complete with videos and links to sources whose
exaggerations are repeated and requoted in such circular fashion that flaws are
hard to see without careful, skeptical examination. Human Rights Watch, the American
Civil Liberties Union, and the Southern Poverty Law Center have all denounced
this coterie of Islam watchers.
The movement gained access to the
White House with Trump’s election. The first victory was the president’s ban on
immigration from Muslim countries, initially rejected by the courts and then partially
upheld by the Supreme Court. A second victory would be outlawing the Muslim Brotherhood.
Most attention to this prospect has
been focused on its complications for foreign policy, since the Brotherhood is
a legitimate—and nonviolent—political player in Morocco, Turkey, Tunisia,
Algeria, Kuwait, and Jordan. The terrorist label was promoted by Egyptian
president Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, the former army chief who ended the Brotherhood’s
brief rule in 2013. (One might ask how the Brotherhood could take over the US if it couldn't even control Egypt for more than a year.)
Indeed, the Brotherhood opposes a number of Arab autocrats.
But it is fragmented and diverse, and while it has spawned violent offshoots,
such as Hamas, it probably doesn’t meet the legal criteria for the terrorist designation by the State Department.
Experts in the Defense and State Departments are reportedly opposed to the label,
which would prohibit American officials from engaging in certain diplomacy and
military cooperation in the Middle East.
But there would be more harm inside
the US, where the designation could impair First Amendment freedoms of
association and speech if the FBI and federal prosecutors accepted the
anti-Islam activists’ assertions about the role of the Muslim Brotherhood. One
of the many provisions in the Patriot Act following 9/11 imposes long prison
sentences for anyone who “knowingly provides material support or resources to a
foreign terrorist organization, or attempts or conspires to do so.” Although
the law contains a caveat that it should not be “construed or applied so as to
abridge” constitutional rights, it bars “training” and “expert advice or
assistance,” which certainly can fall into the category of speech. Indeed, the
Supreme Court has ruled that “material support” can include pro-democracy training
abroad by American non-profits where the trainees are affiliated with a terrorist-designated
organization. This inhibits efforts to help bring combatant groups into civil
society.
Anti-Islam alarmists such as John Guandolo, a
former FBI agent and Marine officer, try to get around the constitutional
obstacle by arguing that Islam is not truly a religion but “a complete way of
life, social, cultural, military, and political system governed by a foreign
law, Sharia.” As head of Understanding the Threat, he has trained local police and
sheriff’s departments wherever he can overcome local Muslims’ objections. At
the end of a training for civilians that I attended, I asked what victory for
his cause would look like. He replied:
“The Muslim Brotherhood is
decimated. They are designated by the US government as a terrorist
organization, we have shut down all MB Islamic centers, all Iranian centers,
and we have locked up all the MB officials in the United States. That’s a good
start. And all those who have aided and abetted them are locked up after being
tried in federal courts.”
A book by Guandolo contains a
boilerplate affidavit for law enforcement to get search warrants of mosques and
Islamic centers, stating, “Your affiant believes that Probable Cause exists
that the Islamic Center of [fill in the blank] is part of the Muslim
Brotherhood’s ‘Islamic Movement’ inside the United States whose stated
objective is the overthrow of the United States government and the
establishment of an Islamic State, including the use of violence in our local
area.”
Guandolo is quoted frequently on
Breitbart, and has been a guest on the radio show of Fox News host Sean
Hannity, who talks regularly with Trump. Guandolo claims that he can spot a “Sharia-compliant”
Muslim by his closely trimmed mustache and unruly red beard, and in March 2018
took and tweeted a photo of a Southwest Airlines employee who fit the profile,
labeling the man “a Sharia adherent Muslim (aka jihadi) at my plane.” The
airline called the tweet “cruel and inappropriate.” Several months later, after
Guandolo blamed the Democrats for the shooting at a Pittsburgh synagogue,
Twitter suspended him from its site.
For the linchpin of their scary fantasies, Guandolo
and his comrades, including Sean Hannity, rely on an exaggerated reading of a
single copy of a document written in 1991, found by the FBI in the basement of
a Virginia home, entitled “Explanatory Memorandum on the General Strategic Goal
for the Group in North America.” In researching my book, Freedom of Speech, I drilled down into this document, questioned
its purveyors, and came up with zero justification for citing it as a source of
concern.
It calls for “a kind of grand Jihad
in eliminating and destroying the Western civilization from within.” It lists
current and would-be organizational friends of the Brotherhood. And from these
two elements the anti-Islam alarmists spin their terrible specter of
existential threat.
They picture the memo as a plan and conveniently avoid quoting its passage making clear that the author, Mohamed
Akram, is offering a proposal, not pronouncing policy. Some have inflated his
position in the Brotherhood to General Masul [leader] when his memo is actually
addressed to the General Masul. He appears
on one membership list at a mid-level position in the Brotherhood. Nowhere do
the alarmists cite a document showing that his 28-year-old suggestion was adopted by higher authority.
Similarly, the argument that the Muslim
Brotherhood owns mosques and Islamic centers relies on the memo’s list of
friendly organizations, which was introduced into evidence in the 2007 case
against the Holy Land Foundation, a Texas-based charity convicted in a retrial
of sending funds to Hamas. The anti-Islam propagandists who smear those organizations
with the stain of terrorism have acquired standing with the White House, and
now are poised to place many Muslim citizens at grave risk.
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