By David K. Shipler
For a
country ostensibly devoted to the rule of law and worshipful toward its
Constitution, the United States is in a peculiar state of dishonoring both. It
has a president and a supposedly conservative political party that brushes away
the ingenious checks and balances that the Framers devised to restrain
authority. It is politicizing its judiciary and entangling its legislature in
partisan stalemates while its executive branch evades, ignores, or derides the
other branches of government.
This could have more than a
transitory impact on the dynamics of the democratic system. In resisting the
constitutional duty of Congress to monitor and limit executive behavior, Donald
Trump and his acolytes are undermining a keystone of constitutional governance.
The damage might turn out to be more serious than a phone call with the
president of Ukraine, and more lasting than an impeachment inquiry. Conceivably,
once the judicial branch gets involved, a “conservative” Supreme Court could
codify curbs on the legislature’s authority to subpoena, question, and
investigate administration officials. Such cases are now being litigated.
How is Congress to enforce its
orders? By declaring recalcitrant officials in “inherent contempt” and seeking
to have them fined or arrested? That would be an extraordinary step, and nobody
seems to know how it would be carried out. Otherwise, though, Congress is
defied with impunity, and the system is impaired. The smooth running of
government would have to be discussed in the past tense, when it relied on a
basic respect for the norms of balance among the branches, when it did not
conduct debates across an unyielding divide of political tribalism.
The Supreme Court, which has grown
increasingly partisan, cannot be depended on. It has already shown its hand by
tilting toward executive power and away from the legislature. It allowed Trump
to deflect Pentagon construction funds to a border wall, which was expressly
denied by Congress. It permitted Trump’s dramatic, unlegislated change in
asylum procedures to take effect pending litigation, requiring migrants to seek
asylum a country they were passing through first, before the US.
Justice Neil Gorsuch, Trump’s
appointee, has hailed the separation of powers as the centerpiece of
constitutional democracy. But he has a skewed view of it. In speeches and
essays in connection with his new book, the examples he has given of its
violation point to his hostility toward agencies in the executive branch that
must, in a complex and fast-changing world, make regulations to implement the
laws that Congress passes. Gorsuch’s thinking looks less like an embrace of
checks and balances than a radical, “conservative” rationalization for
curtailing the scope of government overall.
We need to put “conservative” in
quotes because it is not clear what conservatives want to conserve. Not the
robust separation of powers, certainly—unless a “progressive” like Barack Obama
is in the White House, in which case a Republican-controlled Congress simply
obstructs, even against the president’s constitutional duty to nominate judges
and justices. Not the orderly due process of implementing laws with finely
tuned regulations on the environment, worker protections, pharmaceutical safety,
and the like, which Trump has tried to dismantle not with considered legislation
but with the flick of his pen.
“All men having power ought to be
distrusted to a certain degree,” James Madison told the Constitutional
Convention in 1787. He sure got it right. The separation of powers was an answer—necessary
but not sufficient. As we are seeing now, the mechanism works brilliantly only
if lubricated by broad commitment.
Teaching university students in
Moscow more than forty years ago, the visiting historian Robert Kelley tried to
explain America by saying that if the United States had a state religion, it would
be constitutional democracy. He didn’t think the young Soviet citizens quite
understood, but Americans would have. Whatever disputes and scandals and
injustices had inflicted our republic, we had found common ground in the revered
gospel of the Constitution and its prescription for guiding a turbulent,
pluralistic society.
Trumpism has eroded that common
ground. When a president acts as if he is equivalent to the state and thinks
that attacks on him are attacks on the nation, he naturally sees treason behind
every criticism:
The press, protected by the First
Amendment, is “the enemy of the people” (borrowing Stalin’s formulation to
condemn the defendant to imprisonment or death).
The whistle blower’s source on
Ukraine, protected by law, is “close to a spy” who should be dealt with the way
“we used to do in the old days when we were smart.” (One commentator thought he
was alluding to being drawn and quartered, as under King George III.)
The impeachment inquiry is a coup.
The chairman of a House committee,
following the Constitution’s mandate to hold the executive accountable, is a
traitor who should be arrested.
Impeachment, the Constitution’s remedy
for “high crimes and misdemeanors,” would ignite “civil war.” (Is this Trump’s
dark, demented call to his armed supplicants?)
It would be frightening enough if
these were the rantings of a deranged Mafia boss. It would be deeply worrying
if they were the frantic, panicky threats of a lone, mentally disturbed president,
as they are. But they are highly dangerous
because they find resonance with enough Americans to bring into question the
citizenry’s support for the country’s orderly constitutional principles. Our
schools are obviously failing to teach new generations the values and
principles of the constitutional order.
“Our
Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people,” said John Adams. “It
is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.”
Putting
the concern in a secular way, Judge Learned Hand in 1944 declared, “I often
wonder whether we do not rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon law,
and upon courts. These are false hopes, believe me, these are false hopes.
Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women; when it dies there, no
constitution, no law, no court can save it; no constitution, no law, no court
can even do much to help it. While it lies there it needs no constitution, no
law, no courts to save it.”
Excellent post, David. Not too cheerful, I suppose, but we live in dark times, I'm afraid. Maybe you should look for a more upbeat topic for the next post, perhaps country music...
ReplyDeleteDeeply, deeply grateful for this.
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